Arguably, Cuba is the only country that still has a socialist economic system, pays more than lip service to socialist principles, and appears to have taken meaningful steps towards sustainability. For this reason, it is worth examining that country’s remarkable history and record more closely, without necessarily implying that it provides a socialist model for sustainable development. Cuba has had to cope with major problems, not least a mighty and hostile neighbour. Remarkably, it is still clinging to socialism, albeit barely. In recent years, pressures on the country have mounted to such an extent that the survival of what is perhaps the world’s last socialist political-economic system is far from guaranteed.
Cuba’s socialism
Cuba adopted a socialist economic system following the 1959 revolution led by Fidel Castro. Although initially more of a nationalist movement aimed at bringing an end to the Batista dictatorship and the exploitation of Cubans by foreign companies (which were nationalised), the hostile reaction of the Americans drove Cuba into the arms of the Soviet Union for protection against U.S. invasion and economic support. As Cuba became heavily dependent on the Soviet Union for its exports and imports, it also adopted the Soviet model of industrial and economic development, although large-scale agriculture had already existed before the revolution. However, the Cuban government firmly embraced the industrialisation of export-oriented agriculture (based on science and biotechnology) to boost economic growth and further industrial development.[1]
Cuba’s achievements
Although Cuba’s economic growth has not been spectacular,[2] its success in improving the social conditions of the population has been impressive, especially in the areas of health, education, housing, and the elimination of poverty. Health care and access to education were recognised as fundamental human rights and provided (for free) by the State. State assistance with housing and income ensured that homelessness and poverty were minimised. The life expectancy of Cubans matches that of high-income countries.[3] Its educational and health systems are often praised as exemplary, demonstrating that excellent outcomes can be achieved with modest resources.[4] Despite several severe economic downturns mainly triggered by external developments, Cuba’s performance on these fronts gave it a high ranking in the Human Development Index, despite its modest GDP. And because of its relatively low ecological footprint linked to the latter factor, it has also been touted as the only country that can be said to be on the sustainable development path.[5]
Cuba’s fraught development path
However, as noted above, Cuba’s early (industrialist) development path meant that, like the Soviet Union and China, it largely neglected the environment.[6] Some of the environmental problems noted by observers were deforestation, desertification, erosion, soil degradation, water pollution, and biodiversity decline.[7] The adverse environmental effects of industrial agriculture (based on fossil fuels and heavy use of fertiliser and pesticides), mining (for nickel), and energy production (oil exploitation) and distribution, among others, were significant and raised questions about the suitability of this approach for Cuba.[8] But no doubt it was the collapse of the Soviet Union, which resulted in Cuba losing its primary export market (notably for sugar, its main export crop), its main supply of oil, agrochemicals, and much of its food, that was a catalyst in turning the Cuban development path around and into a more sustainable direction.[9] Highly energy- and chemically-intensive agriculture was no longer an option, while boosting the country’s self-sufficiency, notably in food (security), became a necessity. The crisis marked the beginning of what is referred to as the “Special Period,” during which the government initiated a series of reforms while maintaining its formal commitment to socialism. Agriculture was partly deindustrialised and decentralised, with cooperatives and individual farmers incentivised to produce for local markets.[10] Organic farming, particularly by urban farms, became increasingly important in meeting the food needs of urban populations. Although the crisis, aggravated by the American embargo, caused significant hardship and malnutrition for much of the population, these state-led initiatives aimed at boosting domestic food production and developing different ways of meeting individual and collective needs were remarkably successful and widely supported, to the extent that Cuba was held up by many foreign visitors and commentators as a model for moving towards a more self-reliant and sustainable society.[11]
Environmental integration efforts
The government’s increased commitment to environmental protection and sustainable development was also reflected in (formal) changes in environmental policy and institutions. In 1992, at the UNCED (Rio) conference, Castro declared Cuba’s commitment to environmental protection and sustainability, and within the year, this commitment was integrated into the country’s Constitution.[12] In 1994, several government institutions were amalgamated into one central environmental authority, the Ministry of Science, Technology, and the Environment (CITMA). In 1997, the government outlined its environmental goals, spanning multiple policy areas and ministries, in a National Environmental Strategy. The same year, the Law of the Environment (“Law 81”) was passed, granting crucial powers to CITMA. The Ministry was granted a mandate for integrated decision-making, which enables its participation in the development of planning and decision-making processes of other ministries. This gave it a credible role as a regulator, resource manager, coordinator, and arbitrator.[13] Thus, it was assigned a key role in internal environmental integration (given its responsibility for the National Environmental Strategy – the overarching policy framework) and external environmental integration (integrating the main goals across other government agencies and policies). If backed by political support and sufficient resources, CITMA could become a powerful institutional force to advance environmental integration.
Environmental problems and performance
Yet, despite these promising moves on the ground and at the (institutional) top, one should be cautious about idealising Cuba’s environmental performance. While the environmental commitment of the Cuban government may be genuine, there is a significant gap between the official policies (and goals) and what is happening in reality. Although some environmental pressures arising from industrial agriculture have diminished, others have increased, notably those linked to the expansion of the tourism industry (which has become the primary export sector) and the increased efforts to boost domestic oil production and nickel mining, two major export earners. Deforestation, illegal hunting, fishing, trade in wildlife, habitat fragmentation and loss, and illegal dumping increased.[14] The increases in environmental pressures from tourism, oil exploration and exploitation, and mining all stem from a common factor: the government’s priority of restoring and boosting economic growth. This is understandable, given the precarious economic situation in which Cuba found itself, mainly due to political and economic developments and policies outside its control. However, it also highlights the problematic nature of a model and ideology of large-scale development dependent on foreign trade and investment, exposing the country to the vicissitudes of the world market, the imperatives of international capitalism, and the political-economic interests and policies pursued by other states, as well as unpredictable developments.[15]
Reform by necessity
Cuba has consistently remained entrenched in the export-led development paradigm, even after the revolution, despite the state-led initiatives of the early 1990s aimed at boosting domestic food production and achieving self-sufficiency in food. These initiatives were driven by necessity rather than a deliberate government choice to transition towards a nation-based model of sustainable development. The deindustrialisation that occurred during the “Special Period” was not by choice but because of a shortage of materials and capital.[16] Although the government supported the development of organic agriculture (notably through urban farms), it never adopted a formal policy to transform the entire sector in that direction. Its agricultural policy remained pragmatic, aimed at boosting production and yield.[17] The government actively sought to expand its domestic oil production and increased oil imports from Venezuela (based on a special relationship with that country)[18] rather than investing in a large-scale transition towards sustainable energy sources. The latter’s contribution declined when sugar cane’s biomass production dropped, while solar and wind power generation remained dismally low at less than 0.1%.[19] Increasingly, the government sought to attract foreign investors in development projects, especially in the tourism industry, in which foreign capital has gained a significant foothold,[20] but also in the nickel industry (in which China has shown interest),[21] and in infrastructural projects, and even by creating a “Special Development Zone” and passing new laws.[22]
In line with what is commonly considered a key tenet of socialism —public or collective ownership of the means of production —there was hardly a place for private ownership and free markets in Cuba during the Fidel Castro era. All major industries were nationalised, and most farmland was brought under collective ownership and state control.[23] Economic decision-making was highly centralised and guided by a central plan. However, the severe economic crisis of the early 1990s triggered the adoption of a more pragmatic approach to boosting production by shifting towards decentralising economic decision-making and granting a greater role for private ownership and free markets, notably in the agricultural sector.[24] The scale of these reforms increased when Raúl Castro took over from his brother Fidel in 2008. In 2011, the Communist Party introduced the “most comprehensive and deepest reforms carried out during the entire Revolution”, introducing a degree of economic and social liberalisation, including a significant retreat of the State in agriculture, the introduction of non-state wholesale markets, the leasing out of small-scale business, the permission to own mobile phones and the gradual opening of Internet access – de facto amounting to the end of the State’s information monopoly – and a new regime for Direct Foreign Investment.[25] These changes led to speculation, or even expectations, that Raúl, who appeared to be more sympathetic towards the “private” sector and increasing Foreign Direct Investment, would set Cuba on the path towards more fundamental reforms and the introduction of a “market economy” or capitalism, perhaps as a precursor to transformation to liberal democracy.[26] Yet, it appeared that the Cuban leadership was unwilling to give up its monopoly over political (institutional) power and/or concerned about the restoration of capitalism and the survival of socialism. In 2016, these concerns led to what Bye refers to as a “counter-reform” that put the clock back on some of the economic reforms and reaffirmed state control over the economy.[27] Nonetheless, in 2019, a new constitution was approved by referendum that legalised private property and reaffirmed that socialism on the island was “irrevocable”.[28]
Lessons from Cuba’s experience
What do the developments in Cuba mean for the claim that socialist political-economic systems offer a more promising basis for advancing environmental integration than capitalist systems? I think the following points need to be emphasised:
First, these developments demonstrate that, also in Cuba, economic growth and industry-based development have been an overriding priority for the socialist government, and arguably for most Cubans. Although the collapse of the Soviet Union led to a shift towards more sustainable production, notably in agriculture, it did not result in a change in the dominant development paradigm.[29] Cuba remained addicted to oil, industrialisation, and economic growth, seeking to import resources (and increasingly capital) from other countries after the collapse of the Soviet Union. This confirms that, in line with the experiences in the Soviet Union and China, a socialist system is not a sufficient condition for a transformation towards a more sustainable society, even if this is (almost) forced upon a country. In large part, this can be attributed to the perceived need or desire to improve the material standard of living of the population, even though Cuba had already performed very well on some social indicators (for instance, education, health, and life expectancy).
Second, the developments do not prove that capitalist systems (whether liberal-democratic or authoritarian) are a better basis for advancing environmental integration. As discussed in earlier chapters, capitalist systems, if anything, guarantee the continuation of environmental degradation and an ever-deepening crisis. For that reason, despite the immense (external and to some extent internal) pressure on the Cuban government, further liberalising the economy is not a better pathway. On the contrary, restoring capitalism in Cuba will accelerate large-scale development (for instance, in the tourism sector), with its adverse environmental consequences, and increase inequality to levels not seen since before the Revolution, similar to those in Russia and China.
Third, while, in line with the argument that democracy is more conducive to environmental protection than authoritarian political systems, one should advocate the democratisation of the Cuban political system, this is not as straightforward as it sounds. The assumption commonly underlying this argument is that Cuba should adopt a liberal-democratic system, similar to those prevalent in the West and many other countries. But, apart from the fact that, in the past decades, the political developments in many of these countries can hardly be seen as advertisements for these systems (think of Brexit and the growing support for illiberal political leaders, including ex-US President Trump), the argument overlooks the strong link between liberal democracy and capitalism. Liberal democracy emerged and has consistently served capitalism (the bourgeoisie), despite capitalism not inherently requiring democracy, as evidenced by the numerous authoritarian-capitalist systems that have existed and still exist. However, if Cuba were to introduce liberal democracy, this would create a strong basis for advocates of capitalism (both outside and within Cuba) to further advance capitalist interests and restore capitalism as the dominant economic system. This seems exactly what many critics of the Cuban political-economic system are promoting and hoping for, and what the Cuban political leadership fears. It is highly unlikely that socialism will survive in a liberal democratic Cuba, and it is equally unlikely that such a transformation will advance environmental protection and integration.
The end of socialism?
Implicitly, those who advocate the introduction of liberal democracy in Cuba assume that this is the best, or even only, type of political system that one can realistically hope for, and that such systems are capable of effectively addressing the environmental challenge. Both assumptions are highly problematic. The first one because the strong link between liberal democracy and capitalism implies a minimal form of democracy, de facto allowing and enabling capitalist interests (including the very rich) to dominate and rule (most of the time) indirectly. Arguably, one of the most significant shortcomings of liberal democracy is its lack of regard for democratic principles in economic decision-making. The second assumption has been amply disproven over the past 50 years, since environmental problems entered the political agenda. Despite this failure, liberal democracy is still held up as the gold standard of democracy, while its foremost role in the defence and promotion of capitalism is ignored. In principle, the Cuban political regime rightly maintains that the economic system should be embedded within the political system, rather than the other way around. Liberal democracy has been embedded within an evolving capitalist system from its inception, and this relationship has become even more pronounced since the rise of neoliberalism and the decline of social democracy. One can argue about the extent to which the Cuban economic system has been embedded democratically. Still, the defenders of liberal democracy are hardly in a credible position to evaluate and critique this.
Conclusion
Even a brief look at Cuba’s record suffices to see that even a low level of economic development (in terms of GDP per capita) is not necessarily an impediment to moving toward a more sustainable society, as demonstrated by Cuba’s achievements in the areas of health care, education, social security, community development, and greater self-reliance, and as reflected in its rank on the Human Development Index. Although external developments have compelled the country to rely more heavily on its own resources, many of these achievements must be attributed to the socialist political-economic regime. This is not to say that the regime lacks serious political, economic, and environmental flaws. There is much scope for democratisation and moving toward sustainable production and consumption. But if regime change were to involve the restoration of capitalism and liberal democracy, as many critics advocate, it is almost guaranteed that Cuba’s social achievements will be undone and that it will be forced to follow a much less sustainable path.
References
[1] Wright, Julia (2009), Sustainable Agriculture and Food Security in an Era of Oil Scarcity: Lessons from Cuba. London: Earthscan, 56-59.
[2] Cuba’s GDP per capita hardly rose throughout the 1960s, and it increased by about 50% until the end of the 1980s. Clio Infra (2021), Cuba (Republic of Cuba), https://clio-infra.eu/Countries/Cuba.html (Accessed: 26 January 2021).
[3] Jones, Sam (2016), “Castro’s Legacy and the Envy of Many Nations: Social Care in Cuba”, The Guardian, 27 November. Life expectancy in Cuba is comparable to that in the United States. Worldometer (2021), Life Expectancy of the World Population, https://www.worldometers.info/demographics/life-expectancy/ (Accessed: 29 January 2021); World Bank, The (2021), Life Expectancy at Birth, Total (Years), https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SP.DYN.LE00.IN (Accessed: 29 January 2021).
[4] Cuba’s (free) education system has led to a literacy rate of close to 100%, and has produced a high number of scientists, especially in agriculture (including biotechnology). Wright, Julia, Sustainable Agriculture and Food Security in an Era of Oil Scarcity: Lessons from Cuba, 57; Baracca, Angelo and Rosella Franconi (2016), Subalternity Vs. Hegemony, Cuba’s Outstanding Achievements in Science and Biotechnology, 1959–2014. Springer. Its capability in the medical sphere is world-renowned, as demonstrated by its ability to provide medical assistance to countries around the world. Ospina, Hernando Calvo (2006), “Cuba Exports Health”, Le Monde Diplomatique (English edition), 11 August.
[5] Fanelli, Daniele (2007), “Cuba Flies Lone Flag for Sustainability”, New Scientist, Vol . 196, No.2624, 10; United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) (2020), Human Development Report 2020. Country Notes: Cuba, http://hdr.undp.org/sites/all/themes/hdr_theme/country-notes/CUB.pdf (Accessed: 26 January 2021).
[6] Maal-Bared, Rasha (2006), “Comparing Environmental Issues in Cuba before and after the Special Period: Balancing Sustainable Development and Survival”, Environment International, Vol . 32, No.3, 349-358.
[7] Skanavis, Constanstina and Evelina Sarri (2004), “Need for Sustainable Development Awareness Management in Cuba”, International Journal of Sustainable Development and World Ecology, Vol.11, No.4, 356-363; Suárez, José Antonio, et al. (2012), “Energy, Environment and Development in Cuba”, Renewable and Sustainable Energy Reviews, Vol.16, No.5, 2724-2731, 2730-2731; Wright, Julia, Sustainable Agriculture and Food Security in an Era of Oil Scarcity: Lessons from Cuba, 67.
[8] Ecological scientists played a key role in raising these issues. Ernesto (Che) Guevara was also said to be strongly critical of the Soviet development model. Levins, Richard (1993), “The Ecological Transformation of Cuba”, Agriculture and Human Values, No.Summer, 52-60, 56.
[9] Ibid.; Martin, Edward J. and Matthew S. Pimentel (2011), “Incrementalism in Cuba: Democratic-Economic Reforms and Sustainable Management”, Public Administration and Management, Vol . 16, No.2, 206-237.
[10] Wright, Julia, Sustainable Agriculture and Food Security in an Era of Oil Scarcity: Lessons from Cuba, Chapter 6.
[11] Ibid., 3, 6-7.
[12] Houck, Oliver A. (2000), “Environmental Law in Cuba”, Journal of Land Use and Environmental Law, Vol . 16, 1-81, 16.
[13] Whittle, Daniel and Orlando Rey Santos (2006), “Protecting Cuba’s Environment: Efforts to Design and Implement Effective Environmental Laws and Policies in Cuba”, Cuban Studies, Vol.37, 73-103, 81-82; Houck, Oliver A. (2000), “Environmental Law in Cuba”, 23-24.
[14] Maal-Bared, Rasha (2006), “Comparing Environmental Issues in Cuba before and after the Special Period: Balancing Sustainable Development and Survival”.
[15] Blas and Farchy provide a fascinating account of the role of commodity traders, arguably some of the most unscrupulous cowboys of capitalism, in helping out Cuba during this time. See Blas, Javier and Jack Farchy (2021), The World for Sale. Money, Power, and the Traders Who Barter the Earth’s Resources. New York: Oxford University Press, Chapter 7 “Communism with Capitalist Influences”.
[16] Bye, Vegard (2020), Cuba, from Fidel to Raúl and Beyond. Cham, Switzerland: Springer, 10-11, 132. Wright, Julia, Sustainable Agriculture and Food Security in an Era of Oil Scarcity: Lessons from Cuba, 68.
[17] Wright, Julia, Sustainable Agriculture and Food Security in an Era of Oil Scarcity: Lessons from Cuba, 197-201.
[18] Suárez, José Antonio, et al. (2012), “Energy, Environment and Development in Cuba”, 2727.
[19] Wright, Julia, Sustainable Agriculture and Food Security in an Era of Oil Scarcity: Lessons from Cuba, 218, 231-232.
[20] Bye, Vegard, Cuba, from Fidel to Raúl and Beyond, 88-90.
[21] Ibid., 54, 128-129. Suárez, José Antonio, et al. (2012), “Energy, Environment and Development in Cuba”, 2727.
[22] Bye, Vegard, Cuba, from Fidel to Raúl and Beyond, 50-54; Campbell, Al (2016), “Updating Cuba’s Economic Model: Socialism, Human Development, Markets and Capitalism”, Socialism and Democracy, 1-29, 18.
[23] Wright, Julia, Sustainable Agriculture and Food Security in an Era of Oil Scarcity: Lessons from Cuba, 53-54, 59-62.
[24] Ibid., 112-114.
[25] Bye, Vegard, Cuba, from Fidel to Raúl and Beyond, 271.
[26] Ibid., 3-5, 12-13.
[27] Ibid., 13, 23-25, 37-38.
[28] Augustin, Ed (2019), “Cuba Overwhelmingly Approves New Constitution Affirming ‘Irrevocable’ Socialism”, The Guardian, 25 February.
[29] For instance, in the 1990s, a large majority of farmers indicated that they would use more artificial fertilisers and pesticides if they could obtain them, an attitude reflected in the sharp increase in imports between 2001 and 2006, when the economy recovered. Food imports also rebounded (to around 70 to 80% of national food needs, the level it was before the Special Period), and so did the use of agricultural machinery when the availability of oil (from Venezuela) increased. Wright, Julia, Sustainable Agriculture and Food Security in an Era of Oil Scarcity: Lessons from Cuba, 24, 149-150, 230-231, 234. Bye, Vegard, Cuba, from Fidel to Raúl and Beyond, 27.