The re-election of Donald Trump marks a victory for anti-environmentalism. Trump’s announcements and staff appointments openly and blatantly aim at rolling back environmental regulation and weakening the capacity of the US government to tackle environmental problems and threats. Trump is not alone or the first in this quest. Many other political leaders and governments before him and around the world, from US Presidents (Reagan and the Bushes), Brazil’s Bolsonaro, and the right-wing government of New Zealand elected in 2023, to name just a few, have openly stated their commitment to relaxing or removing environmental “constraints” on economic development. Environmental actions that hinder economic development are increasingly criminalised or labelled as “terrorism” as they harm the “national interest”.
What’s behind this? Putting the onus on individuals (populist leaders) or populism is simplistic and misleading. They may be the most prominent actors of anti-environmentalism, but they are part of a broader and deeper movement aimed at destroying the capacity of states to address the environmental challenge effectively. At a time when concerns about global heating are surging and scientists and environmental advocates are desperately calling for effective action to reduce greenhouse gas emissions, politicians who explicitly reject the need for such action get elected.
An obvious explanation is that other issues have arisen that dominate the political and public agendas. Rising prices and stagnating or falling (real) incomes, growing unemployment, unaffordable housing, food insecurity (dependence on food banks), and declining health care services, among many other social issues, understandably have priority for those affected. Add to that the Covid-19 pandemic, the conflicts and violence affecting millions of people in many parts of the world, the masses of refugees seeking a safe haven or a better life (migration), and ethnic tensions, and it becomes clear why climate change or environmental protection are not “front of mind” issues for many people. This also helps explain why many people vote for populist parties and leaders, as mainstream political parties and governments are often blamed for these problems and for not addressing them sufficiently.
However, most of these issues are interconnected and have arisen due to underlying factors and drivers. The main factor is political-economic. More clearly than ever, neoliberal governments are acting as committees serving the interests of capitalism. They affirm this openly in almost everything they say and do, even though they substitute “the economy” for capitalism. Capitalism and its imperatives (“economic growth” and “investment opportunities” rather than “capital accumulation”) trump everything else. Governments must heed the sensitivities of “capital markets” as not doing so is said to have dire consequences for the country. Heeding the “needs” of capitalism often requires “harsh measures” that come at the expense of most people.
On the other hand, this produces an increasing number of billionaires (“wealth creators”) and extreme inequalities. Many politicians and “experts” serving capitalist interests also profit handsomely by receiving exorbitant salaries and bonuses, often through speculation or corruption. Paradoxically, despite many years of economic growth, the funding pool for public goods and services has been ever-decreasing.
In the broader context, neoliberal capitalism has enabled capital to flow to where the greatest profits can be generated. However, this has come back to haunt the United States and many European countries, as it led to their deindustrialisation, contributing to the socio-economic problems referred to earlier. The rise of China and other newly industrialised economies poses a formidable competitive challenge to Western capitalists and is also increasingly defined as a geopolitical and military threat to US hegemony and the West. As China is an authoritarian state, this threat is easily converted into a threat to the “freedom” and democracy of the West that needs to be contained. “We” (especially the US) need to prepare for war with China and with Russia (especially the EU), which, of course, justifies boosting military spending and happens to create economic growth and investment opportunities.
Thus, the political-economic imperatives and dynamics of capitalism fuel a politics of environmental destruction by prioritising economic growth, causing social immiseration and polarisation, and the protection and promotion of “national” (capitalist) economic interests, including by force and the threat of force. All of these trump environmental concerns. As long as “globalisation” served American capital well, notably by opening up investment opportunities worldwide, “free trade” was the dominant mantra. However, as de-industrialisation has weakened the US’s competitive position, the pendulum has swung back to protectionism, boosting domestic production and rebuilding essential infrastructure. Both Biden and Trump adopted this course. For both, maintaining US hegemony is the first priority. The main difference between Trumpian politics and Bidenomics is the degree of (crude) openness by which American capitalist interests are prioritised and environmental concerns are relegated to the back seat.
The growing emphasis on national development and re-industrialisation does not bode well for the environment. As long as political-economic systems remain in the grip of capitalism, its imperatives will trump any other interests, including social well-being and environmental protection. As noted above, the latter is seen as an obstacle, while keeping wages low and cutting back on government spending (to “reduce debt”) are “economic” necessities. If “needed,” the Earth must be sacrificed to save capitalism, even if this also means the end of capitalism.